Organizational features contributing to police corruption can also be summed up in the idea of police solidarity, or the solid blue line, which refers to traditions of intense collegiality and teamwork ingrained in always physically dangerous and socially isolating nature of police work. Shared danger and isolation foster camaraderie and internal cohesion. That will trigger searching the other way if fellow officers are corrupt (246-7).
The public encourages corruption in informal ways. Merchants of several types may possibly provide "freebies" (coffee, drinks, meals, discounts, gifts, etc.), and civilians much more normally wink at police acceptance of such gifts. That is a wedge trouble because it is not this kind of a good step forward to accepting (or demanding) sex or drug payoffs from merchants of those people products (245-6).
Laws against so-called victimless crimes or governing criminal activities where participants are unlikely to seek police protection contribute to corruption. Gambling, prostitution, and narcotics are examples of areas exactly where law enforcement is called on to enforce social ideals obtaining to perform with licenses, permits, and human behavioral weaknesses and in connection with which law enforcement could possibly be inclined to accept or demand payoffs in exchange for free passes (247-8).
The costs of corporate welfare to firms involve the costs of producing business and funding innovation and marketing.
Whether corporate crime comes about as a result of personality defects of executives or employees is much less significant than evidence that corporate deviance is partly due to "immunity of executives from becoming held personally responsible for corporate actions" (260). The economic and legal system, as well as society in general, does not "respond negatively to white-collar offenses" (260) or even regulate corporations quite much. That helps executives believe of themselves as immune from moral or ethical responsibility for their crimes. Corporate culture has been implicated inside "chronic" criminality from the oil, pharmaceutical, and motor-vehicle industries, and additional look for is required (260). However, the capitalist economic structure, which valorizes profits and wealth concentration, is even much more culpable in contributing to corporate crime (261).
The potentially "best" merchandise is "an outraged public" that isolates corporate deviants rather than one that winks and nods at what they do (261). That means the need for ones public to become better informed for the content of corporate deviance, but some corporate crime (e.g., financial fraud, computer crime) is so intricate and technical that this becomes a problem even for ones judicial program that have to prosecute it. This suggests that the land needs to be involved in industry regulation and public education as for the consequences and prices of corporate crime. Isolated reports of deaths and destroyed lives may well not do the trick, and currently the alliances among corporate elites and politicians aren't sufficiently exposed or understood. No wonder corporate elites benefit at the expense of the public.
Deregulation in the financial industry, enabling S&Ls to functionality as commercial banks, fostered concentration of capital through financial-institution takeovers, buyouts, and mergers that were "financed with junk bonds, with deals done for the sake of fees and stock payoffs" (258).
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