Evaluation of Relative Importance of Democracy Promotion

Simon (1976) and Michael J. Sodaro (2004), asserts that individuals behave in political relation on the basis of self-interest, seeking to increase their expected gains and slue their expected losses or risks on the basis of private preferences and priorities. Applied to contrary form _or_ system of government that is developed by the authorities and the political actors who comprise government, rational choice theory focuses on circumstantial choices oriented toward improving national welfargon.

Simultaneously, other theorists, much(prenominal) as James D. Morrow (1994), tend to view political occupation and insurance formation from the perspective of game theory. This suggests that decisions are do in the context of a competitive market and that decisions are designed to either outmaneuver an opponent or get parity with an opponent. Political games offer a mixture of nonhing sum (i.e., one player's loss is the other players gain in equal measure), variable-sum (i.e., multiple wins and losses occur), and positive or controvert sum outcomes. As a metaphor for real military personnel conflicts, game theory offers a lens through which policy shifts can be assessed with respect to the notion that policies are evermore designed to produce the most positive outcome for each player.

As Sodaro (2004) has stated, governments faced with developing contradictory policies are not in a position to consider each policy case separately. Rather, in developing its overarching strategic fore

The Persian Gulf is a 600 mile considerable body of water which separates Iran from the Arabian Peninsula and is one of the most strategic waterways in the world due to its importance in vegetable anele transportation. Oil was discovered in the early decades of the twentieth cytosine in this region, creating a situation in which external actors from the westmost in the form of both governments and private sector companies provided the stinting and administrative infrastructure through which this find was exploited (Crystal, 1995).

H3: American foreign policy in the cases of Kuwait and Iraq has, since the early mid-nineties and the Gulf War, become more interventionist than it is in the case of Saudi-Arabian Arabia.

market democracies.

Our efforts focus on preserving

consolidating and enlarging the community of free

H1: American foreign policy toward the Middle einsteinium in general and the physical object countries of Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi

Alterman (2000) stated that for decades, U.S. policy in the Middle East was driven by three main principles: energy security, Israeli security, and stability through the protection of friendly regimes. The discovery of oil in the region, said Crystal (1995), focused attention on the enormous value of the region to the industrialized West. It offered an opportunity for western sandwich countries and multinational companies to capitalize upon vast resources and to develop their proclaim stinting systems as a result of oil exploration and exploitation. Simultaneously, the discovery of oil in the region is seen by Crystal (1995) as providing local rulers, including the Al-Sabah of Kuwait and the Al-Thani of Qatar, with the wealth needed to consolidate their own positions within their countries.

In the present study, the central issue is how U.S. foreign policies in three key Middle Eastern states are shaped and a determination of which of a set of specific variables are most directly shaping these policies in the post-September eleventh world. There can be
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