Demonization Begins

In the matter of Identification, Hilary Clinton's idiom begins immediately: she identifies herself (and always, by implication or direct reference, the President) with ii specific social welfare programs sponsored by the AMA: Health gate America and Adopt-a-School. This identification - "All of us respond to children" (Clinton, 1993, 580) - aloneows her to carry on into the first Demonization:

When I was growing up, not far from where we are today,... There seemed to be an outlook of caring and cooperation among adults that stood for and hind end children... We have lost... the hope and optimism... our problems have grown too bear-sized and unmanageable... Our health distri notwithstandinge system has been under extraordinary deform... stress has begun to break down... the core of the health care system... undermined your profession in many ways... (Clinton, 1993, 581).

The demonization/problem established, Ms. Clinton's speech then provides welcomed learning: "As you know, the President is in the process of finalizing his proposal for health care reform" (Clinton, 1993, 581). This information is followed almost immediately by Reassurance and Inspiration:

But the simple fact is this: The President has asked all of us, representatives of the AMA... to work on making changes where they are needed, to keeping and ameliorate those things that work, and to preserving and conserving the best parts of our system as we try to cleanse and change those that are not. (Clinton, 1993, 581).

As subsequent unfolding of events have indicated, she was prevented by the White stomach from making a major push in the reality relations effort necessary to counter the growing resistance. historied earlier, the Clinton Administration was facing a number of difficult policy-making battles during the summer of 1993; although he had promised to deliver a health care reform proposal earlier, as Bob Woodward reports in his broadside of Clinton's first year in The Agenda, advisors convinced the President to baffle off final decisions - to late May, then late June, July, August. The formulate was not presented to Congress until September, after August's narrow budget right to vote victory of 51-50, with Vice President Al Gore roll the deciding vote (Fallows, 1995, 31).

Although Hilary Clinton proceeded to deliver the first in a series of "prep" speeches necessary to lay the groundwork for clump introduction of the Clinton Package, she was inhibited by pressure not to kick downstairs too much, nor make attention-diverting headlines.

The third factor influencing the character of the health care reform debate was the process that Hilary Clinton and Ira Magaziner narrow down up for developing a Clinton Package. The task force met with 572 separate organizations and entertained by its own account "a bracing of hundred meetings with congressional leadership" (Fallows, 1995, 28). Nevertheless, it was accused of secrecy - chiefly because of lobbying by specific health care-related organizations that had been excluded from the decision-making process, including the American Medical tie-up (Ms. Clinton's introductory remarks cited on Page 2 of this paper notwithstanding). These organizations had been heard, but not given positions on the task force; consequently, as a matter of defensive maneuvering, a preemptive accomplish was made on Congress and public opinion (Fallows, 1995, 28-29). By the time of Hilary Clinton's June speech to the AMA, lobbying and television advertisements had induced a colossal
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